This is the first issue of a regular electronic Newsletter, which will be issued by the Co-Chairs of the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy. The success of this Newsletter will very much depend on information which members (and others) send in - and from feedback about what members want. In this first issue, we list calls for papers, which will be a regular feature of the Newsletters. So please keep up a steady stream of such information. We also provide an election results table for Austria: let us know if you would like other material which is relevant to events in the news. Indeed, comment on any aspect of this newsletter would be most welcome.
The Standing Group hopes to provide
a platform and infrastructure to bring together the broad range
of scholars working on various aspects of 'extremism and democracy'
- most notably, though not exclusively, in (contemporary) Europe.
Though the topic is studied in different disciplines, the Standing
Group welcomes scholars from fields such as sociology, (social)
psychology or (contemporary) history. However, as a Standing Group
of the European Consortium of Political Science, the main focus
is on the political aspects of extremism. Moreover, and in keeping
with the ECPR-tradition, we particularly welcome scholars who
work in a comparative spirit. Most importantly, however, is that
the Standing Group is academically neutral and is not meant to
become a battleground for the unfortunate ideological battle that
has hampered much research on political extremism. Rather, it
wants to be the meeting ground of serious scholarship from all
persuasions, (neo-) Marxist, extremism-theoretical, new politics,
etc. The same applies to (the often related) terminology: though
we here use the term 'extremism' this obviously does not exclude
participation from scholars working with other terms to describe
similar phenomena (such as fascism, populism, radicalism etc.).
Currently the most obvious and popular topic of the Standing Group's field is the study of 'extreme right' parties - their history, ideology, electoral success etc. However, scholars of 'extreme left' and 'religious fundamentalist' organizations are also very welcome. It is our hope that the Standing Group will help develop the study of the different sub-fields by mutual cooperation and the exchange of knowledge. We want to ensure that the study of political extremism does not slip back into an academic ghetto. Particularly the study of extreme right parties has been finally integrated into the wider study of political parties in recent years (through notable studies of Hans-Georg Betz and Herbert Kitschelt), and this is considered vital for the further understanding of both political extremism and European politics in general.
While most contemporary academic studies of (right-wing) extremism still study the phenomenon in isolation of its environment, the Standing Group's name indicates its interest in the political role of extremism, rather than in the specifics of the phenomenon itself. We are particularly interested in the (inter-)relation between extremism and democracy. Thereby, the focus can be also on democracy, i.e. how democracy can fight extremism without becoming extremist itself. In addition to political theoretical/philosophical studies this could also include empirical work into comparative) 'anti-extremist' provisions in different European polities and their effects.
(University of Bath: r.eatwell@bath.ac.uk)
I have a first degree in Philosophy,
Politics and Economics from Oxford University and a doctoral degree
in Politics from the same university, where I worked under the
political historian A.J.P. Taylor on popular front opposition
to fascism. Since then, my main interest has lain in the field
of political parties and social movements, especially ideologies
and theories of support. I am currently developing a strong interest
in theories of leadership, and am coordinator of a recently-awarded
EU-INTAS grant of 90,000 euros to work on charismatic leadership
in Eastern Europe.
I have taught at Bath University for
over twenty years, and currently am Professor of European Politics
in the Department of European Studies and Modern Languages. Recent
publications include: Fascism: a History (pb eds., Viking,
London, 1996; Penguin, New York, 1997); (ed.) European Political
Cultures: Conflict or Convergence (Routledge, London, 1997);
(ed.) Contemporary Political Ideologies (Pinter, London,
1999 2nd. Ed.); Fascismo: verso un modello generale
(Pellicani Editore, Rome, 1999).
(University of Edinburgh: c.mudde@ed.ac.uk)
As a student in political science at
Leiden University (the Netherlands), under the guidance of Joop
van Holsteyn and Peter Mair, I first wrote an MA and later a PhD
on the ideology of the extreme right. This involved not only a
quest for a workable definition of right-wing extremism, but also
the analysis of the ideological material of political parties
that were believed to be extreme right. The end product, entitled
The Ideology of the Extreme Right, is to be published by
Manchester University Press in August 2000. On the basis of a
detailed and comprehensive analysis of the party ideologies of
the German People's Union (DVU) and Republicans (REP) in Germany,
the Flemish Block (VB) in Belgium, and the Centre Democrats (CD)
and Centre Party'86 (CP'86) in the Netherlands, I conclude that
the ideological core of the 'extreme right party family' is a
combination of nationalism, xenophobia, welfare chauvinism, and
law and order.
After having finished my PhD, I moved
to Budapest in January 1998 to take up a temporary position at
the Central European University. I stayed there for 1.5 years,
in which I became increasingly fascinated by issues of extremism
and democratisation in Eastern Europe. Though far from an expert,
I am currently working on both topics separately, hoping to combine
them in the future. At the moment the main problem is getting
hold of reliable and readable material on political extremism
in Eastern Europe. Very little true academic research is done
into this topic, and most data is still only available in local
languages. These obstacles were part of the reason for founding
this Standing Group; i.e. to integrate Eastern scholars into the
(Western-dominated) study of extremism as well as to bring together
students of 'left-wing' and 'right-wing extremism'.
After a brief spell in Prague, where I taught a course on "Extreme right parties in Europe" at Charles University last winter, I joined the Department of Politics in Edinburgh this year. In the coming years I will work on a book on democratisation in the Czech and Slovak Republics for Texas A&M University Press (with Petr Kopecky and Peter Ucen), as well as continuing my work on political extremism and populism in Eastern and Western Europe. Moreover, I aim to get the Standing Group up and running, as well as (slowly) expanding. Most notably, I hope to include more students from Eastern Europe, students of fields other than right-wing extremism, and PhD-students within the broad field of extremism and democracy.
The July 2002 issue of Patterns of
Prejudice will be devoted to the groupuscular right. By this
is meant political formations of minimal numerical size in terms
of membership, and even a merely 'virtual' existence as a magazine
or Website, but which through their contacts and linkages cumulatively
form an international web which constitutes an important means
of perpetuating and refining extreme right and neo-fascist ideology
in an age unconducive to mass movements of the extreme right.
(For my attempt to examine one of these groups in a wider context
see Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 33, No. 2, April
1999, on GUD).
Please send:
a) any proposals for a c. 5,000 word
article on one of these formations active anywhere in the (Europeanised)
world, or even defunct but of historical significance, or
b) suggestions of experts whom I could
contact in this respect, to
Roger Griffin, Deptartment of History, Oxford Brookes
University, Oxford, OX3 0BP.
E-mail: rdgriffin@brookes.ac.uk
Internet political communications have
emerged in a global context in which people's links to the land,
a factor that long shaped political identity, are being eroded.
Multiculturalism, pluralism, mass migration, globalized money
markets, internationalized media and communications, and international
"co-decision-making" and joint defence (NATO, WEU, UN
and the EU system of pooled sovereignty) are altogether fostering
new political hybrids and democratic deficits on a global scale.
In these circumstances, a new wired political system is developing
in which power and legitimacy have become tools for collections
of widely scattered individuals motivated by common concerns and
who can rapidly coalesce to articulate their views. Small groups
as well as politicians and established political interests are
now using new technologies in ways that deeply affect democratic
ideals and representative institutions.
Participants from a wide variety of
perspectives are invited to reflect on the issues that arise through
Internet political communications under the theme "De-territorialized
politics and Internet political communications".
Three panels will explore the variety
of ways in which Internet access, computer literacy, interactivity,
synchronicity, location independence and "Netiquette"
displace spatial and "place-based" politics. These
influences are broadly understood as de-territorializing insofar
as political identities are being transformed into a "thing"
that people carry with them rather than an attachment to a fixed
birthplace. Questions about the neutral quality of language,
images and representation as well as an acceleration of political
time have now become factors in political interpretation.
Panel participants are invited to explore
and reflect on the impact of these processes from a variety of
perspectives. Participants might present papers on the Internet
and political power writ large, on politics and language or representation,
on electronic campaigns by mainstream political parties or insurgent
groups, electronic voting or a wide variety of issues. These
topics are, of course, offered as suggestions rather than a definitive
list of potential papers. Contributions are welcome from a range
of quantitative, qualitative, critical, post-structural and post-modern
perspectives.
Send proposals to Michael Dartnell, Centre for International
and Security Studies, 359A York Lanes, York University, Toronto, Ontario, MP3
1P3, Canada. Email: dartnell@yorku.ca
Last, but by no means least, we want to announce the first major meeting of this Group. We are looking for papers which are not essentially based on the study of one country, unless there is a very strong innovative/theoretical basis to them. Rather, in keeping with ECPR traditions, we seek comparative papers. We are specially keen to cover a broad range of issues relating to extremism and democracy, so that the Standing Group can serve to break down academic barriers (e.g. specialists in terrorism, the extreme right, communism, etc.) We are also keen to encourage young scholars, and academics from the CEECs to attend. Although the Standing Group has only a small budget, we are willing to set aside some of this to help one or two young scholars from CEECs attend.
Since last year, Michael Shafir of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) in Prague has been running an interesting electronic magazine, entitled RFE/RL's East European Perspectives. The first issues have been of particular interest to members of our group, as they feature his own serialised study "Radical Politics in Post-Communist East Central Europe". You can access RFE/RL's East European Perspectives at: http://www.rferl.org/eepreport
Moreover, if anyone is interested in publishing
an article on post-communist politics, preferably of a comparative nature, for
RFE/RL's East European Perspectives, please contact Michael Shafir at: mshafir@rfer1.org
International Journal of Political Psychology, Socialization, and Education
Politics, Groups and the Individual is an interdisciplinary journal dedicated to investigating the relationships between individuals or groups and politics. Its general aim is to archive a better scientific understanding of the political orientations and behaviors of individuals and groups. Editorial Board members share two major aspirations:
PG&I emphasizes the themes of political psychology and political socialization. Political psychology research and theory focus on individual and group political phenomena in their political, social, and historical context. Political socialization research and theory focus on these structures through which individuals acquire political knowledge, beliefs, opinions, attitudes, emotions, values, behavioral intentions, and behavioral patterns as related to existing political systems. Relevant articles represent disciplines such as political science, psychology, political education, history, sociology, and anthropology.
PG&I is published twice a year for
an international audience. Since the journal's circulation is
world-wide, we welcome contributions (in standard English) from
authors throughout the world. PG&I publishes articles that
report on current scientific research, discuss theory and methodology,
or review relevant literature. Critical reports and discussions
of published research as well as brief book reviews and announcements
are part of the PG&I format and contents. The main criteria
used in making editorial decisions are scientific originality
and anticipated reader interest in a specific contribution or
topic. We also try to keep a balance between empirical and theoretical
work, while covering a broad scope of subjects which will satisfy
an interdisciplinary-oriented public. The managing editor uses
a minimum of two scholars (active and publishing in the field
of political psychology and/or political socialization) to evaluate
each manuscript submitted for review. Representatives of various
countries and parts of the world are included on the Editorial
Board. Recent special issues included topics like 'authoritarianism'
(1999) and 'stereotypes' (1998).
For subscriptions or further information,
please contact Prof. Helmut Moser, APP GmbH, Alter Heidberg 33, D 22846 Norderstedt,
Germany
E-mail: APP-Gmbh@t-online.de
As of the next issue, we hope to include mainly book reviews in this section. Several academic publishers have already agreed to send us review copies of books of relevance to the field of extremism and democracy. The idea is that books will be reviewed within 700-1100 word by members with a particular expertise in the area of the book, though written for the more broad membership of the group. In addition, if members either have a review that they consider of interest to the SG, or a recent book of their own, which they would like to see reviewed in the newsletter, they should contact Cas Mudde at: c.mudde@ed.ac.uk
Reviewed by Russell F. Farnen (University of Connecticut):
Waves of Rancor
is a sound, scholarly study of an important political and mass
media phenomenon in the United States, namely the historical and
contemporary context for domestic terrorism and the mutation of
diseased conservatism run amok, growing into the extremely deformed
phenomenon of hate groups in their myriad forms (neo-Nazis, patriots,
anti-Semites, militias, Freemen, survivalists, anti-environmentalists,
conspiracy theorists, the KKK, revisionists, and Holocaust deniers).
Each of these groups is meticulously described and analysed, interviews
with some of their leaders are reported, and many of their favourite
media technologies are depicted in great detail.
Most revealing is the hidden communications
system used to spread hate messages using devices unknown to the
average citizen, who is easily lulled into complacency regarding
the extent of the threat from the millions of people involved
in one phase or another of this movement. For example, while
talk radio and TV may be very public expressions of these activities,
this book makes clear that these media are not the medium of choice
for American rightists. Rather, it is shortwave, fax networks,
pirate radio, microstations, and low-power television which are
the new delights of political extremists when choosing vehicles
for rapid communication and cheap networking. The reasons for
these choices as well as the extent of usage are all fully developed
topics in Hilliard and Keith's treatment of radical right political
paranoiacs.
Their basic view, as the authors say,
is the Nazi credo, "God is with us." Other goals are
Aryan superiority, capitalism, rigid religious and family customs,
and promulgation of US nationalism and military might. Among the
various groups described, it is the religious terrorists who are
the most dangerous, according to the two authors, because they
are answerable only to God and use force without conscience or
regret. Hilliard and Keith also argue that it is important to
expose these radicals because they recognise the enormous power
of mass media and their influence is growing without much opposition
or debate.
Another useful aspect of this book is
its encyclopedic coverage of major rightist figures such as William
Pierce, the author of "The Turner Diaries", or Ernst
Zundel, the creator of the neo-Nazi "Zundelsite". Additionally,
to provide historical context, the authors take us back to the
1920s and 1930s, to the era of Father Charles Coughlin and Walter
Winchell, and to the war years and Cold War era with "Axis
Sally" and "Tokyo Rose" and later Joe Pyne, William
Buckley, and Martin Agronsky.
Moreover, this book fulfils its stated
purpose to expose some of the political sources of domestic violence,
to uncover the right's media systems, messages, and leadership,
as well as to place radical communications in the context of conservative
dominance of the US mass media structure and organisation. They
describe the right as a three-dimensional object consisting of
the right wing comprised of "moderates" (such as Liddy,
North, and Buckley); the far right of racists, anti-Semites, anti-government
ideologues (such as David Duke, Pat Buchanan, and Louis Beam);
and the extreme or radical right (including Zundel, Pierce, and
"Bo" Gritz).
At the end of the book appear the counter-propagandists
or those (from the American perspective) who can be considered
as such. Edward Bernays once called them distributors of "proper"-ganda
in support of the democratic process, pluralism, rationality,
and Bill of Rights freedoms (especially the First Amendment).
However, the latter do not merely subscribe to a "free marketplace
of ideas" rationale for their tolerance of hate speech, but
also recommend specific courses of positive action to offset,
balance, and countermand far right extremism and violence. For
example, these groups (such as Radio for Peace International,
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, Southern Poverty Law Center)
have proposed a variety of possibly effective countermeasures.
Among these are insisting that mainstream media cover the extreme
right (not just Limbaugh, Liddy, and North), using citizen coalitions
to threaten media and producer-advertiser boycotts if necessary,
establishing web sites to track hate mongers and to educate the
public in reasonable alternatives to these messages of despair,
distrust, division, violence, and hopelessness.
These specific proposals for taking
back the initiative from extremist groups are one of this book's
greatest strengths. All too often, observers merely shrug their
shoulders and cite the First Amendment and Supreme Court guarantees
of protection for such groups absent a clear and present/probable
danger of imminent violence or personal harm.
It is also gratifying to read about
the activities of other groups such as Fairness and Accuracy in
Reporting, Political Research Associates, and the Center for Defense
Information in terms of their reports on Limbaugh's lies, exaggerations,
and inaccuracies; Buchanan's racism; and the perils of militarism
and unbridled nationalism. All such groups, unlike their opponents,
do not want to silence the right. Instead, they prefer to expose
their obvious fallacies through counter-education while actually
trying to raise the quotient of overall public support for free
speech everywhere, not just for the left, liberal, moderate, or
middle-of-the-road groups. These positive measures amply summarised
in this book are especially important when we also read about
the recent rapid growth of both hate groups and their Internet
sites, especially among neo-Nazi and KKK cells. Fortunately,
all but ten states have hate crime laws that can be used to limit
threats of violence.
The broad scope, admirable purposes,
and in-depth treatment of significant content material make this
book a well-documented and unique study of American authoritarians
and authoritarianism. Sources used are current and the footnoting
is extensive. The book is well-organised, well-written, and achieves
its stated aims. It is quite well-suited for an audience of communications,
politics, sociology, and interdisciplinary scholars.
There are very few weaknesses in this
book. For example, the indexing is not complete or thorough enough.
Another more serious problem with the otherwise excellent book
is its lack of a tie-in to a theoretical context such as (in political
science and political psychology) the theories of authoritarianism
as a political system and authoritarianism as a personality construct,
syndrome, or political malaise.
This book is remarkable for two reasons:
first, it is one of the few studies on political extremism in
Slovenia; second, it is a bilingual publication, including both
an English and a Slovenian version.
From the author's summary:
"This paper is an analytical study
and presentation of the Nightwatch column (Nocna kronika) that
has been published weekly in the Slovenian Sunday paper Nedelo
since the end of summer 1995. (...) Through the analysis of this
rich material and particularly the characteristic 'bar flies discourse',
the author exposes the inner workings of unprecedented dehumanisation
of those seen as 'other' and different in Slovenia. (...) The
analysis of Nightwatch reveals numerous criminal dimensions of
chauvinism, sexism, racism and radical intolerance in general.
The author's main interpretative point is directed towards antipolitical
and criminal impacts of the Nightwatch discourse which should
be taken extremely seriously as a direct incitement to more or
less violent action against those who are seen as other and different.
Last but not least, the author shows that the issue of violence
and even killing cannot be ascribed only to those who kill, but
also to those who sow seeds of hatred or, if you like, hearts
of potential murderers, thus causing and directing the very possibility
of slaughter."
For more information about purchasing this publication,
please contact either: Open Society Institute, Vegova 10, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
; or the author, Tonci Kuzmanic, at: tonci.kuzmanic@guest.arnes.si
From the authors:
"This book is a truly international
enterprise that aims at answering the following questions: How
can we measure authoritarianism, ethnocentrism and prejudices?
In what way are authoritarian and nationalist attitudes combined
with political-ideological affiliations? Are attitudes like antisemitism
and anti-Gypsy sentiments similar or have they a different structure
and logic? Can we explain prejudice and authoritarianism by referring
to the impact of status, religion and education? Are new generations
less or more xenophobic than their parents? Can we regard extreme
right wing parties as transitory phenomena, or are they likely
to stay with us?
Hungarian, Dutch, Yugoslav, Austrian,
American and German scholars offer answers to these questions
by looking at surveys and political documents from a number of
countries. There is a special emphasis on the lessons learned
from the quickly transforming and turbulent Central Europe. The
readers are offered a systematic evaluation of the causes of ethnic
hatred; an overview of the development of sociological and social
psychological literature on the topic, particularly the studies
emanating from the famous work by Adorno et. al., The Authoritarian
Personality. There is a comparative evaluation of nationalism
and authoritarianism among such groups as Eastern and Western
Germans, Serbs and ethnic minorities in Yugoslavia, the religious
and the atheists, the rich and the poor, the educated and the
non-educated in a number of European countries. The chapters include
data analyses and methodological discussions that may benefit,
first of all, university students, but the book offers new and
revealing information for anyone interested in the mechanisms
and in the explanations of ethnic intolerance."
The book can be ordered from Osiris Bookshop, Veres Pálné u. 4-6, 1053, Budapest, Hungary. Tel: +36-1-318-2516, Fax: +36-1-266-4999, e-mail:
Please send your request also to Zsolt Enyedi at: enyedizs@ceu.hu
Rather than providing reviews of articles,
this section intends simply to bring publications within the broad
field of extremism and democracy to the attention of readers.
With the ongoing growth in the number of journals it is hard to
keep track of what is published. We therefore urge our members
to keep us posted about publications of relevance to the interests
of the group's members.
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17.15%
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10.5%
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| Vienna | 9.7% |
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Notes:
Although the FPÖ was founded in 1955, it is not classed as an Extreme Right-Wing/Radical Right (Populist) party until 1986 when Jörg Haider became party leader.
Table prepared by Karen Thomson, PhD Student, University of Bath.
Last modified 24 February 2000